In recent decades, historians interested in the revolutionary period in the Italian peninsula have often focused their attention on specific experiences ("municipalist perspective"). In part following this tendency, this research aims at valuing the context of Brescia - the city and its territory - during the last years of the Venetian domination and in concomitance with the revolutionary period. However, it is not a study limited to the borders of Brescia. On the contrary, an important part of the research will focus on the reconstruction of the conspiratorial ramifications that linked the revolutionaries of Brescia with those of other cities in the Peninsula. The relationship with the Italian Army will also be studied. The work is therefore based on two main topics: dissidence and revolution, considered as two distinct moments from the temporal point of view, but indissoluble from the point of view of the theorisations and political statements of the Brescian revolutionaries. The conspiracy that led to the fall of the power of the Venetian Republic and the dynamics of the Republic of Brescia (1797) will be analysed. Furthermore, the meaning of the terms "democracy" and "revolution" applied to the small Republic will be questioned, offering the characteristics and a new interpretation of this political experience. The world of political associationism and the question of consensus and propaganda will also be explored. An important part of the book is dedicated to the period when Brescia was united with the Cisalpine Republic, understanding the consequences and questioning the real meaning of "political modernity". Another aim of the research will be to move away from the centrality of the year 1797 and the experience of the Republic of Brescia, although it is important. Indeed, the studies published so far have focused almost exclusively on the months of the small Republic, almost entirely neglecting the Cisalpine period. The experience of the autonomous and independent Republic of Brescia may have had a significant influence on the actions of the revolutionaries after 1798, to the extent that one might wonder whether the revolutionaries themselves wanted to embark on the path of unification or whether they merely wanted to put an end to the domination of the Serenissima. It is necessary to re-evaluate and reconstruct the years in which the city of Brescia was united with the Cisalpine Republic and to understand how the revolutionaries behaved in the face of Bonaparte's choice and France. Therefore, it is necessary to rediscover the years from 1798 to 1802 (with particular attention to the period of exile), which have been forgotten by those who dealt with Brescia. In fact, it was during this period that the revolutionaries and the population of Brescia were forced to face political instability, French interference and war. In addition to analysing the aspects of social, cultural, religious and military life that specifically concern the revolutionary front, we must not forget the counter-revolution and the urban resistance to the spread of revolutionary ideals. There were many counter-revolutionary centres in Brescia and its territory, especially in the valleys and also in the city itself.

Tra dissenso e rivoluzione: Brescia dalla Repubblica di Venezia alla Repubblica italiana (1791-1802)

BAZZANI, CARLO
2021-10-22

Abstract

In recent decades, historians interested in the revolutionary period in the Italian peninsula have often focused their attention on specific experiences ("municipalist perspective"). In part following this tendency, this research aims at valuing the context of Brescia - the city and its territory - during the last years of the Venetian domination and in concomitance with the revolutionary period. However, it is not a study limited to the borders of Brescia. On the contrary, an important part of the research will focus on the reconstruction of the conspiratorial ramifications that linked the revolutionaries of Brescia with those of other cities in the Peninsula. The relationship with the Italian Army will also be studied. The work is therefore based on two main topics: dissidence and revolution, considered as two distinct moments from the temporal point of view, but indissoluble from the point of view of the theorisations and political statements of the Brescian revolutionaries. The conspiracy that led to the fall of the power of the Venetian Republic and the dynamics of the Republic of Brescia (1797) will be analysed. Furthermore, the meaning of the terms "democracy" and "revolution" applied to the small Republic will be questioned, offering the characteristics and a new interpretation of this political experience. The world of political associationism and the question of consensus and propaganda will also be explored. An important part of the book is dedicated to the period when Brescia was united with the Cisalpine Republic, understanding the consequences and questioning the real meaning of "political modernity". Another aim of the research will be to move away from the centrality of the year 1797 and the experience of the Republic of Brescia, although it is important. Indeed, the studies published so far have focused almost exclusively on the months of the small Republic, almost entirely neglecting the Cisalpine period. The experience of the autonomous and independent Republic of Brescia may have had a significant influence on the actions of the revolutionaries after 1798, to the extent that one might wonder whether the revolutionaries themselves wanted to embark on the path of unification or whether they merely wanted to put an end to the domination of the Serenissima. It is necessary to re-evaluate and reconstruct the years in which the city of Brescia was united with the Cisalpine Republic and to understand how the revolutionaries behaved in the face of Bonaparte's choice and France. Therefore, it is necessary to rediscover the years from 1798 to 1802 (with particular attention to the period of exile), which have been forgotten by those who dealt with Brescia. In fact, it was during this period that the revolutionaries and the population of Brescia were forced to face political instability, French interference and war. In addition to analysing the aspects of social, cultural, religious and military life that specifically concern the revolutionary front, we must not forget the counter-revolution and the urban resistance to the spread of revolutionary ideals. There were many counter-revolutionary centres in Brescia and its territory, especially in the valleys and also in the city itself.
22-ott-2021
Au cours de dernières décennies, les historiens qui se sont intéressés à la période révolutionnaire dans la péninsule italienne ont souvent concentré leur attention sur des expériences spécifiques (“perspective municipaliste”). En suivant en partie cette tendance, la recherche vise à valoriser le contexte de Brescia – la ville et son territoire – pendant les dernières années de la domination vénitienne et en concomitance avec l’époque révolutionnaire. Cependant, il ne s’agit pas d’une étude limitée aux frontières de Brescia. Au contraire, une partie importante du travail de recherche portera sur la reconstruction des ramifications conspiratives qui unissaient les révolutionnaires de Brescia à ceux d’autres villes de la Péninsule. De même, les relations avec l'Armée d’Italie seront étudiées. Le travail se fonde donc sur deux grands sujets : la dissidence et la révolution, considérées comme deux moments distincts du point de vue temporel, mais indissolubles du point de vue des théorisations et des propos politiques des révolutionnaires de Brescia. La conspiration qui a conduit à la chute du pouvoir de la République vénitienne et la dynamique de la République de Brescia (1797) seront analysées. En outre, la signification des termes "démocratie" et "révolution" appliqués à la petite République sera remise en question, offrant les caractéristiques et une nouvelle interprétation de cette expérience politique. Le monde de l'associationnisme politique et la question du consensus et de la propagande seront également explorés. Une partie importante de l'ouvrage est consacrée à la période où Brescia a été unie à la République cisalpine, en comprenant les conséquences et en s'interrogeant sur le sens réel de la "modernité politique". Un autre objectif de la recherche sera de s’éloigner de la centralité de l’an 1797 et de l’expérience de la République de Brescia, bien qu’elle soit importante. En effet, les études publiées jusqu’à présent ont porté presque exclusivement sur les mois de la petite République, en négligeant presque entièrement la période cisalpine. L’expérience de la République de Brescia, autonome et indépendante, influe peut-être de manière non indifférente sur les actions des révolutionnaires après 1798, au point qu’on pourrait se demander si ces mêmes révolutionnaires désiraient entreprendre le parcours de l’unification ou s’ils voulaient seulement mettre fin à la domination de la Sérénissime. Il est nécessaire de réévaluer et reconstruire les années où la ville de Brescia est unie à la République cisalpine et de comprendre de quelle façon se comportent les révolutionnaires face au choix de Bonaparte et la France. Par conséquent, il faut redécouvrir les années de 1798 à 1802 (avec une attention particulière à la période d'exil), qui ont été oubliées par ceux qui se sont occupé de Brescia. En effet, c’est au cours de cette période que les révolutionnaires et la population de Brescia sont obligés d’affronter l’instabilité politique, l’ingérence de la France et la guerre. A côté de l’analyse des aspects de la vie sociale, culturelle, religieuse et militaire qui concernent plus spécifiquement le front révolutionnaire, il ne faut pas oublier la contre-révolution et les résistances urbaines à la propagation des idéaux révolutionnaires. Il y a bien des foyers contre-révolutionnaires à Brescia et dans son territoire, surtout dans les vallées et aussi à l'intérieur de la ville. Il s’agira d’offrir une vue d’ensemble de la vie politique et socio-culturelle de Brescia – de façon organique et sans coupures, en dépassant ainsi la vision fragmentaire des études publiées jusqu’à présent – puisqu’on est convaincu que cette ville représente, dans certaines de ces spécificités, un exemple d’importance fondamentale dans les dynamiques politiques qui se créent à la fin du XVIIIe siècle au sein de groupes animés par les idées de démocratie et de révolution.
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11567/1055911
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